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By Georges Perrot, Charles Chipiez, Walter Armstrong

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Heltzer assumes that the varying amounts of silver given for objects in all of these texts reflect an abstract conception 134 135 136 137 138 139 140 141 142 Heltzer 1982, p. 56; 1999b, p. 192. Heltzer 1982, p. 78; 1999b, p. 193. Heltzer 1996, p. 177. Heltzer 1982, p. 15; 1996 p. 177. For a particularly critical reading of Heltzer, see the relevant sections in Schloen 2001. Schloen 2001, p. 231. Schloen 2001, p. 231. Schloen 2001, p. 231. See Heltzer 1982, pp. 34-36 for his extended argument. ') 143 Heltzer 1977, pp.

He poses the question of whether merchant activity represented free enterprise or whether the merchants were agents in the employ of the state but is unable to answer 186 187 188 189 190 191 181 182 183 184 185 Rowe 2002, p. 17. Rowe 2002, p. 17. Smith 2001a, p. 77. Linder 1981. Linder 1981, p. 31. 192 193 194 195 196 Linder Linder Linder Linder Linder Astour Astour Astour Astour Astour Astour 1981, 1981, 1981, 1981, 1981, 1973, 1973, 1970, 1981, 1981, 1981, p. 33. pp. 33,41. p. 36. p. 38. p. 40.

58 Boyer argues that the ftodalite fonciere grants represent a kind of break down in the feudal structure at Ugarit where personal fealty and personal ties between king and subject are replaced by, what is in essence, a taxation system. 59 The shift between the two types of documents, represented to Boyer, a weakening of the feudal system at Ugarit and was indicative of the loss of authority of the Ugaritic kings. P! 62 Rather than demonstrating a collapse in the feudal system, the shift from ftodalite de[onction oupersonelle to ftodalitefonciere indicates the growth of a feudal society, based in a strong, non-royal class of landholders who are effectively able to challenge or check the power of the king of the Ugarit.

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